Before getting into the core issue, let me express my opinions on a few related issues:

First, though I am against using investigative agencies like the ED or CBI to decimate opposition in India, there is some merit in the anti-corruption campaign of the Indian government. It is connected to the political agenda of the BJP. However its credibility in this regard will go up if it can take actions against corrupt politicians within the party, and also if it takes a principled position of not giving membership to corrupt politicians from other parties. However, like any other political party, its positions against corruption and family-politics get weakened when it is useful to win and be in power. A coalition party of the BJP could field three members of the leader’s family in coming parliament elections. 

Secondly, I have had certain excitement while seeing the emergence of AAP and seen it as part of the advancement of India’s democracy. Its emergence shows that a movement can come to exist and it can turn out to be a viable political mobilisation within a relatively short period of time in India. It is also the first party in India with a predominant support base among the middle-class. There are interesting aspects in its governance, and I have looked at and written about its education reforms in Delhi. 

Thirdly, I don’t know much about the details of corruption cases against the AAP. These are under the consideration of investigative agencies and courts, and hence it may be premature to draw any conclusion. However this is not preventing me from making a few observations on the vigilance against corruption by the AAP. 

AAP’s foundational agenda was to oppose corruption in governance and by established parties. It is truly ironic that it has got immersed in serious allegations of corruption within a decade of its existence. I was apprehensive of their original demand to have a Lokayukta as a way to control corruption in India. It is naive to think that such a legal mechanism can reduce corruption which has underlying reasons in political economy. To me, it looks that the AAP is naive not only in demanding measures to control corruption as an popular movement but also in thinking about and working against corruption as a ruling party. 

My sense is that the fact that different tiers of courts in India have not given bail to Manish Sisodia indicates that investigative agencies have some evidence of corruption, thought its validity and adequacy for punishing AAP politicians have to be decided through trial and finally by courts. It looks that AAP has also followed conventional ways of generating money from `deals’ to finance its political campaigns. The urge to make political gains in other states seems to have encouraged it to mobilise a substantial amount of money through means which are not so legal and transparent. The lack of adequate `exposure and experience’ in this regard may have taken the party to the current situation. The presence of a political adversary as the ruling party at the centre may have aggravated the situation. 

AAP has failed to conceptualise and operationalise viable mechanisms to control corruption in governance and politics. It has not been that successful in mobilising money through alternative and transparent ways. Its political ambitions went beyond the resources it has, and there seems to be an acceptance of a strategy of `ends legitimise means’. 

In my view, this is not surprising. The transition of AAP from a movement to a political party witnessed the dominance of one individual and that worked against the emergence of a viable collective leadership. Populism and rhetorics gained a lot more acceptance than rational deliberations. The hype around 2G Scam was based on not-so-rational perceptions, and such hype and irrationality seem to have followed the AAP. History may not judge Manmohan Singh as a corrupt Prime Minister but it truly ironic if Kejriwal is seen as a Chief Minister who has been in jail for corruption. 

Though the emergence of AAP has helped to reimagine Indian politics in a way that is in tune with middle-class values, it has missed a great opportunity to think and design an alternative political culture in India. There should have been a greater focus on the internal democracy or ways of deliberation. There should be innovative ways of mobilising money for campaign finance. It should have evolved grounded strategies to expand its base. It should have emerged as a credible leader/partner of a secular and democratic polity in the country. However these are unrealised goals/dreams. 

The leadership of Narendra Modi has some advantages in the fight against corruption and that can have negative implications for democracy in the given context of India. Unmarried politicians like Modi and Yogi may be in a relatively comfortable situation to have a view against personal corruption, even when they support specific capitalists. Their support for specific capitalists can be justified as the support for the economic growth in general. The availability of enough financial resources through mechanisms like electoral bonds, may not necessitate the BJP to have `secret deals’ to mobilise money for political campaigns. None of the other political parties has these advantages, and hence the BJP may have greater acceptance among the growing middle-class which is concerned about corruption. 

I still have hope in the AAP. It has a section of younger leaders and activists who may see the importance of credible alternatives of campaign financing and party structures. Will they be able to make changes depend on the extent of control by the current leadership. Will it become another party that is controlled by family members of the top leader is to be seen. India needs political mobilisations which can help getting out of the vicious equilibrium marked by social fragmentation, corruption, nepotism and a lack of concern for the welfare of its people. 

End Note: The content and opinions expressed are that of the author, and are not necessarily endorsed by/do not necessarily reflect the views of Azim Premji University